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SYNOPSIS
Gerster and Bassett assert that "whatever their earnest historiographical intentions" may be, much of the literature written about the Sixties, "are contrived exercises in myth-making" .This essay argues that the historical accounts and assessments, not only of the Sixties as a whole, but parts from that period, which, for the purpose of this essay, will be the Vietnam War and opposition to it, have also become "buttressed by conflicting myths" .The reasons why the term 'myth' will be applied to those different arguments concerning the amount of credit anti-war movements can hold, for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War are as follows.Firstly, the application of the word 'myth' suggests that some aspects of that era have been blown out of proportion or, have taken on connotations that may not be entirely correct.Secondly, while such myths may not be wholly true, they are nonetheless important, as they "inform part of (the) historical understandings of the war", and opposition to it .An analysis of the different myths regarding the extent to which anti-war movements can hold credit, for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War will be undertaken. This essay will argue that because such a large and wide range of works written about the anti-war movements exist, and, in particular on the amount of credit they can hold for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War, shows that these movements are integral to our understandings of not only the Vietnam War and opposition to it, but also the social, political and economic environment that shaped the Sixties decade.This essay contends that the Vietnam War had different effects on Australian and American society - for example, American involvement in the war was far greater, military casualties were higher and debate and protest against the war was conducted on a greater scale in comparison to Australia .The essay will also argue that while anti-war movements in Australia and America can indeed hold some credit, they were not the sole nor were they the deciding factor for ending each countries involvement in the Vietnam War.The failure of both countries to successfully engage in guerrilla warfare with the North Vietnamese Army, the mounting costs of the war, and growing unrest and conflict within each nation, can also take considerable credit for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War.Therefore, this essay contends that while the anti-war movements did not end Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War by itself, it was an important factor in ending both countries involvement by placing the Vietnam conflict into the public sphere for debate and scrutiny, and, by setting boundaries of what was deemed as "acceptable" conduct in Vietnam, which prevented both governments from "stepping beyond them" .
QUESTION TWO
HOW MUCH CREDIT CAN ANTI-WAR MOVEMENTS HOLD FOR ENDING AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE VIETNAM WAR?
Merchandised "like no other epoch in world history", the Sixties have (in the following decades), become a "cultural commodity", that has been "… plundered relentlessly for its mythopoeic associations" .For example, the popular image of the anti-war movements "unbroken maturing of opposition" against the Vietnam War, that culminated in the successful Moratorium in 170, (which demanded immediate Australian troop withdrawal from Vietnam), is "an attractive myth … (that) … resonates with a vision of enlightenment" .Such an image however, ignores the fact that the development of the anti-war movements and their activities leading up to the Moratorium, was "difficult and uneven", and, had even gone through "a pronounced slump" after the 166 Federal elections.Moreover, Australian involvement in the Vietnam War ended nearly a year and a half later in December 171 .Hence, as stated by Grey, myths "… distort and conceal as much as they explicate" .This essay seeks to debunk certain myths in regards to the amount of credit anti-war movements can hold, for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War.Before examining how much credit these anti-war movements can hold, the economic, social and political conditions that gave rise to the anti-war movements in both countries will first be examined.The differences and similarities between the anti-war movements in Australia and the United States of America will then be discussed.This essay will define the anti-war movements in both Australia and America as an "extremely fluid … inchoate mass of people in a shifting and largely leaderless coalition" that were united in opposition to American and Australian involvement in the Vietnam War.The different myths regarding how much credit these anti-war movements can hold, for ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War, will then be discussed.These will include those myths that assert that the anti-war movements can hold little or no credit, to those myths which have the anti-war movements playing a defining role in ending both countries involvement in the Vietnam War.This essay will then assert that the wide range of works written in regards to the role anti-war movements had, in ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War, shows how significant these anti-war movements were.In other words, if the anti-war movements were not vital in our understanding of the events which ended Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War, such a comprehensive range of works on the subject matter would not exist .This essay will also assert that the anti-war movements were a significant factor in ending Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War, along with the failure of both America and Australia to adjust to guerrilla warfare, the rising costs of the war, and, growing internal unrest and conflict within both countries.Hence, while the anti-war movements can indeed hold some credit, it was not the sole nor was it the deciding factor that ended Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War.Rather, it will be argued that the anti-war movements successfully campaigned in increasing public awareness, debate and scrutiny in both countries and, "set the parameters of acceptable … conduct … and restrained … (the governments) … from stepping beyond them" .
As stated by Pierce, the Sixties were a "… period of economic advances in Australia, ample enough to foster the illusion of illimitable future prosperity" .Similarly, the United States of America also experienced favourable economic conditions, with President Johnson placing his faith in America's seemingly "vast wealth … and … its limitless capacities" to fund, both his 'Great Society' program and the Vietnam War at the same time.Such prosperous economic times led to many social benefits, which can be seen on one level, through the increasing number of students in both Australia and America furthering their education, by going on to university - a place which would become a major centre for the anti-war movements.
Curthoys correctly states that the "Vietnam experience overall was probably less profound and influential here (Australia) than there (America)" .For example, more troops were sent, casualties were higher, and social upheaval and unrest on the domestic front was far greater in America than in Australia .In terms of the anti-war movements in both Australia and the United States of America, the former was "definitely and significantly influenced … freely borrowing ideas, images, slogans and organisational practices" from the latter.With the military draft in America and the introduction of conscription in Australia directly affecting those of university age, it comes as no surprise that the anti-war movements were, as stated by Brown, "dominated by the students and it was the students who were the vital component of the movement" .
CONCLUSION
As stated by Gerster and Bassett, Vietnam "… was virtually unknown in Australia before the early 160s" .Lyndon B. Johnson, (former President of the United States of America during most of the Vietnam War) once dismissed Vietnam as a "raggedy-ass little fourth rate country" .However, by the end of the Sixties and the first half of the Seventies, Australian and American involvement in this country became the focal point of debate and protest in both social and political spheres.Consisting of an "extremely fluid … inchoate mass of people in a shifting and largely leaderless coalition", the anti-war movements were led mainly by university students that were united in their opposition to Australian and American involvement in the Vietnam War.As stated by Caute, the anti-war movements were led by university students who were "… the sons and daughters of the most privileged sections of the population rebelled"
Used by various individuals and/or groups, to denote the Sixties as a unique period in time, the Sixties can be seen as a trademark, with the latter defined as "the name or other symbol used by a manufacturer to distinguish his(her) products from those of competitors" .
In many ways, it is hard to be objective in regards to the Vietnam War and the role of the anti-war movements.After all, as stated by Fromkin and Chace "it was … an intensely personal, subjective experience" .
BIBLIOGRAPHY
·Brown, T. Louise, War and Aftermath in Vietnam, Routledge, London, 11
·Crowley, F.K., Modern Australia in Documents, Volume 5 (1-170), Wren Publishing, Melbourne, 17
·Dabscheck, Braham The Struggle for Australian Industrial Relations, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 15
·Fromkin, David and Chace, James 'What Are The Lessons Of Vietnam?', Foreign Affairs, Volume 6, Number 4, Spring 185, pp. 7-746
·Gelb, Leslie H., 'The Essential Domino American Politics and Vietnam', Foreign Affairs, Volume 50, Number, April 17, pp. 45-475
·Grey, Jeffrey and Doyle, Jeff (Editors) Vietnam War, Myth and Memory (Comparative Perspectives on Australia's War in Vietnam), Allen and Unwin, St. Leonards, 1
·Gustainis, J. Justin American Rhetoric and the Vietnam War, Praeger, Westport, Connecticut, 1
·King, Peter (Editor) Australia's Vietnam Australia in the Second Indo-China War, George Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 18
·Lake, Anthony (Editor) The Vietnam Legacy The War, American Society and the Future of American Foreign Policy, New York University Press, New York, 176
·Lipset, Seymour M. 'Polls and Protests', Foreign Affairs, Volume 4, Number, April 171, pp. 548-555
·Lowe, Peter (Editor) The Vietnam War, Macmillan Press Ltd., London, 18
·Wheeler, John, 'Coming To Grips With Vietnam', Foreign Affairs, Volume 6, Number 4, Spring 185, pp. 747-758 Please note that this sample paper on HOW MUCH CREDIT CAN ANTI-WAR MOVEMENTS HOLD FOR ENDING AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE VIETNAM WAR? is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on HOW MUCH CREDIT CAN ANTI-WAR MOVEMENTS HOLD FOR ENDING AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE VIETNAM WAR?, we are here to assist you.Your research papers on HOW MUCH CREDIT CAN ANTI-WAR MOVEMENTS HOLD FOR ENDING AUSTRALIAN AND AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN THE VIETNAM WAR? will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.
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